By Dibussi Tande
The year 2008 ended in Cameroon with a major controversy over competitive examinations into the Teachers’ Training College (ENS) of the newly-created University of Maroua in the Far North Province. It is alleged that prior to the launching of the competitive exams, the Head of State personally guaranteed the elite of the Grand Nord that 60% of registered candidates from the three Northern provinces (Adamaoua North and Far North provinces) would be admitted into ENS Maroua.
When the results were released, 760 candidates from the Grand Nord were among the 2253 admitted into the first and second cycles of the School. These results incensed the Northern elite who pointed out that only 14% of registered candidates from the Northern provinces had been admitted, far short of the 60% promised. The Minister of Higher Education presented his own figures which showed that 36% of candidates from the Grand Nord had been admitted. In any case, Members of Parliament from the Grand Nord demanded an additional 500 places, failing which they would organize sit-ins and protest rallies, and also disrupt the seventh edition of the National Arts and Culture Festival (FENAC) which was scheduled to begin in Maroua on December 19, 2008.
The MPs were roundly condemned in the media and elsewhere for trying to sacrifice “meritocracy” on the altar of “ethnic politics”. Northerners retorted by pointing out that the entire Grand Nord was an “educationally backward region,” and that this backwardness was largely due to the fact that teachers from the Southern parts of the country (who form the bulk of the country’s teaching corps at all levels) generally refuse to take up teaching positions in the Northern provinces which are considered too remote. There is even a running joke that only Peace Corps Volunteers who don't know any better are excited about living in the Grand Nord. In fact, the government itself routinely sends civil servants who have fallen out of grace to the Grand Nord as a punitive measure. They also pointed out that less than 3% of students in existing Teachers’ Training Colleges, all of which are in the Southern regions of the country are from the Grand Nord. The MPs therefore argued that it was imperative that the University of Maroua and the ENS in particular be used to resolve the “Educational imbalance” between the North and South. In other words, the University of Maroua and its institutions should be the preserve of Northerners.
On December 18, one day before the FENAC began, the government caved in to the Northern demands. However, instead of simply granting the region the additional 500 places demanded by the MPs, it added a stunning 4899 candidates to the original list of successful candidates (including every northerner who had registered for the exams), thereby increasing the total number of students to 7152 – this for a new university with no infrastructure of its own and which was supposed to kick off with 1,500 to 2,000 students. So after spending 100 million Francs CFA to organize the “concours” into ENS, the government threw a wrench into the entire process in order to satisfy the northern elite.
The Issues
The ENS Maroua controversy and its controversial denouement raises a plethora of issues, primary among them, the government’s continued use of an undefined “regional balance” policy and a hazy quota system driven primarily by political expediency; the inability of successive “affirmative action” policies to pull the three northern provinces out of the bottom rungs of educational achievement in Cameroon; ongoing doubts about the quality of teachers who will eventually graduate from ENS Maroua, and their potential impact on the quality of education not only in the north but in the entire country; why the Biya regime, which is usually intransigent towards “sectarian” demands (remember the bloody crackdown on protests over admissions into the UB Medical school in 2006) gave in without a fight to the demands of the Northern elite; how Northern MPs successfully created a “Northern bloc” in Cameroon’s national assembly at a time when Anglophone MPs in the same assembly were refusing to take a common stance on development issues concerning their region on the spurious claim that a Member of Parliament represents “the entire country and not a specific locality”, etc., etc.
Regional Balance and the Ethnic Weighting of Examination Results
The use of quotas and the ethnic weighting of examination results is not a new phenomenon in Cameroon. In fact, these were the cornerstone of Ahidjo’s “balanced development “ policy which was officially supposed to "redress regional inequalities by providing education, infrastructures and the public amenities necessary for bridging the country and the town." Defending this policy, Ahidjo argued that,
As the regulator of the nation's economic and social activities, the state must encourage, through appropriate incentives, those regions which for historical and sociological reasons, are lagging behind... our policy of balanced development must be applied not only in the distribution of infrastructure and public amenities, but also in the training of individuals.
In examinations for recruitment into categories B, C, and D of the civil service, two lists were established; an "A" list for natives from "educationally backward regions" and a "B" list for the rest of the country. Those on the "A" list were admitted following less rigorous criteria than those on the "B" list. This ethnic weighting of results was also applied in the admission into top professional schools such as the Joint Forces Military Academy (EMIAC) which trains the country's military brass, and the National Center of Administration and Magistracy (CENAM) which trains leading administrators and judicial officials. Also, at the University of Yaounde, students from these educationally backward areas were eligible for scholarships at age 25, while those from regions considered to be educationally advanced were eligible if only they were not above 18 years of age.
Like all other elements of the balanced development policy, the reason behind the use of ethno-regional considerations in recruitment and admission was a laudable one; that of bridging the gap between disfavored regions and those regions favored by history. But here again the result was the exacerbation of ethnic frustration and antagonism because the beneficiaries of the system were almost exclusively from one region – the Muslim North. Individuals from other educationally backward groups such as the Toupouri, Moundang and other non-Muslim and non-Fulani tribes of the North, or the pygmies of the Eastern province, rarely benefited, if at all, from this policy. The hegemonic ambition of the Fulbe/Fulani ruling class and not social justice was the determining factor in a policy that became a tool for the establishment of a Fulani civil and military elite that dominated the higher echelons of the state bureaucracy and the army.
Under the Biya regime, the balance of power swung to the South, and members of Biya’s Beti ethnic group replaced the Muslim North as the primary beneficiaries of admission policies into the Grandes Ecoles, even though the Beti were among the most educationally advanced groups in the country. In fact, it is safe to say that under Biya, regional balance was mention and implemented in a haphazard only when it served a specific purpose that benefitted the regime, e.g., admitting unqualified Francophones into the UB medical school, or admitting every candidate from the Grand Nord who applied for a place in ENS Maroua, irrespective of their qualfication, in a blatant attempt to garner political support of the Grand Nord.
A Tool for Political Control
Although the ethnic arithmetic formula has been hailed as an astute means of ethnic management in multiethnic African states, Kofele-Kale and Banock convincingly show that in Cameroon the formula has rarely served as a tool for ethnic accommodation and harmony. It has been more of a "device for ethnic fragmentation and mass control." By astutely pitting ethnic groups against each other in the struggle to control or protect principal sources of state rents (such as strategic ministries, lucrative public corporations, and coveted seats in the Grandes Ecoles whose graduates are automatically admitted into the civil service – the main path to social mobility in Cameroon), the Biya regime (like the Ahidjo regime before it) has successfully tightened its grip on power as competing ethnic brokers are increasingly placed in a situation of dependence vis-à-vis the state which is the only institution capable of mediating in their favor.
From this perspective, Biya’s “goodwill gesture” to the Grand Nord, particularly the Far North Province, is not an altruistic act, but a calculated political move to put the region and its elite in his corner during a period when he will need the broadest support possible to stay in power beyond 2011 - or negotiate a dignified and safe exit. This is however a shortsighted policy because while it satisfies the Grand Nord and makes it indebted to the regime, it creates a heightened feeling of marginalization in the other provinces who have been sidelined by the policy. As I pointed out in a 2006 article on the regional balance controversy at the University of Buea,
Without doubt, the regional balance debate is a legitimate one in a multi-ethnic and bilingual country such as Cameroon. In principle, regional balance, like affirmative action in the US, is one which makes lots of sense in a country where history and geography have created regions that are lagging behind others, and where colonialism and post-colonial politics also created favored and disfavored ethnic groups.
However, if regional balance is to truly become the cornerstone of Government policy (be it in admissions into state-owned institutions of learning, in appointments to high-level positions in government, or in the creation of road infrastructure and social amenities), then is should operate within a framework which is transparent, objective, accountable and public.
And to avoid situations such as that which happened in the University of Buea, “regional balance”, if it must be applied in higher education, MUST operate under guidelines that are publicized before competitive exams and not during or after.
Regional balance is too emotional, too divisive and too explosive an issue to be left to the whims and caprices of politicians and bureaucrats with hidden agendas who discard the policy when it suits them. For regional balance to succeed, clear laws must be adopted to govern its implementation. Until that happens (please don’t hold your breath…) regional balance will continue to be seen (and rightly so) as a tool to promote mediocrity and ethnic dominance at the expense of excellence and the masses.
Still an Educationally Backward Region…
To Ahidjo, regional balance might have been a success since by the time he left power in 1982, northerners controlled all the levers of power in Cameroon, from the civil service, to the military, gendarmerie, public corporations, etc. However, the North province (which was broken up into three separate provinces in 1983) remained an educationally backward region, unable to compete with the rest of the country - even as the Northern elite occupied key positions in all strata of national life. In short, the preferential treatment extended to the region failed to fundamentally change the educational landscape of the region. In fact, many have argued that these preferential policies ironically held back Northerners and contributed to the underdevelopment of the Grand Nord.
That will be the focus of the next post.
For another take on the ENS saga, read Innocent Chia's blog post titled Paul Biya’s Poisonous Gift to Northerners and Cameroon
Insightful- Very insightful- Thanks!
Posted by: Maureen | January 11, 2009 at 08:33 PM
This is an interesting case of principle vs pragmatism.
The principle here is that meritocracy (and nothing else) should govern all decisions of appointments or selections into institutions.
Meritocracy is a fairness principle, but also one that engenders performance efficiencies, effectiveness, and productivity, and hence engenders accomplishments on the career path.
Meritocracy is also a powerful motivational tool when pursued ruthlessly. A nation that stands on strong, uncompromising meritocracy is a nation destined for great times.
It is no surprise that Obama's transition-team choices of future cabinet members and White House support staff are founded on sound meritocracy, only possibly compromised marginally by the need for ethnic diversity.
It is also no surprise that Cameroon has been failing mainly from its lack of widespread meritocracy.
Now let's look at the pragmatism aspect...
The practicality in this article derives from the fact that some regions (the Far North, in this case) are so disadvantaged that special measures must be taken to level the playing field.
The arguments martialled by the Far North MPs are compelling, and provide logically convincing explanations of why special measures must be admitted in this case.
This is one of those special cases wherein the pragmatics of a problem override principle. Or to state it better, principle must be applied only within the limits defined by the practicalities of a problem.
What this means is that the applicants must be split into two groups... Far North and the rest of the country. The selected applicants must also split into two groups according to a 60 : 40 ratio. 60% of the selected applicants must come from the Far North group, and 40% of the selected applicants must come from the 'rest of the country' group. In both cases meritocracy must govern the selection process.
Thus, we have combined or unified (1)pragmatics (the application of an appropriate regional balance ratio) and (2) principle (the application of meritocracy within the regional balance ratio). We thus achieve the desired regional balance, but we also achieve fairness within the regional balance.
This simple procedure can be readily generalised to the 10 regions...
Given the practicalities of the problem we identify an appropriate regional balance ratio of 10 percentages (one for each region). Then we split the applicants into 10 groups. For each group, we select its percentage of applicants according to a meritocratic protocol.
Note that this procedure is appropriate only as long as regional imbalance exists. The situation must be monitored continually. As soon as regional imbalance disappears to insignificant levels, we must return to the desirable formula of applying ruthless meritocracy in selecting applicants.
Meritocracy then becomes the sole consideration and the foundation stone for building a thriving nation, regardless of regions, ethnic origins, etc.
Now...
The oversimplified solution provided by the Head of State in which he bloated the number of selected applicants to unexpected levels is unsatisfactory. He has simply replaced one problem with another... Not a good way to start a new university.
It should be a straightforward matter to return to the assessed scripts to draw out the extra 500 or so Far North applicants whom the MPs demand.
Posted by: Dr A A Agbormbai | January 13, 2009 at 12:29 PM
Now let us look at two critical issues that arise in my preceding commentary... Regional balance ratios, and Ruthless meritocracy
Choice of Regional Balance Ratios
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The choice must always be biased towards regions of greater imbalance. This means that regions of greater imbalance must have higher ratios. This applies to both national and regional selections.
For regional selections, the ratios must be biased towards the region in which the selection is made (this is the region in which the career activity is to be pursued), IF THAT REGION SUFFERS AN IMBALANCE. And the amount of bias should reflect the amount of the imbalance in that region.
Regional balance is only critical to government-related selections and appointments. Here fairness of meritocracy and fairness of regional involvement are critical to the success of a nation.
Regional balance is only desirable for private businesses, it is not critical. A private business can succeed without implementing regional balance.
But if it fails because of this (say it is so tribalistic that it employs incompetent people just because they originate from the owner's tribe) then this will be just one business failure.
The nation can cope with one business failure but it cannot cope with a failed government (one that is so tribalistic that incompetent people are appointed to critical positions, just because they come from a few favoured tribes).
Application of Ruthless Meritocracy
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Ruthless meritocracy is the type of meritocracy that exists when there is no need for regional balance measures. It exists when a nation is already regionally balanced.
When ruthless meritocracy is applied there is still the need to take account of ethnic diversity in selections. The aim is for a meritorious and diverse group of selected applicants.
When balancing meritocracy and diversity, the thrust should be towards meritocracy... as it is the key ingredient for success in any nation.
This means that a person should not be selected just to satisfy diversity needs, when it is clear that this person is not good enough for the job.
It also means that a meritoriously-selected group may acceptably lack diversity if it is clear that no acceptably competent people exist in other ethnic groups. If this regrettable situation is the case then urgent ethnic/regional balancing measures must be taken to correct the problem.
When it all works well the applicants will be narrowed down (following a meritocratic procedure) to a select group of meritorious candidates that also have some diversity.
Two possible actions become critical...
1. If the diversity level is acceptable then this group is used to make the final selections. At this stage, it is acceptable to make small compromises of merit in favour of an acceptably diverse final selection.
2. If the diversity level is unacceptable then it is acceptable to make meritocratic compromises to arrive at an acceptable composition of this final pool from which the final candidates are selected. Once an acceptable diversity level is achieved we can proceed as for (1) to select the final candidates.
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What we find therefore is that the attainment of an acceptable level of diversity almost always incurs some loss of merit. Provided this loss is acceptably small or is not critical then the exercise can be claimed to have been successful.
Posted by: Dr A A Agbormbai | January 13, 2009 at 01:55 PM
Note that even when meritocracy is applied only within regions (as part of including regional balance) the commments made under 'Application of Ruthless Meritocracy,' in the preceding commentary, still apply.
This is because applying meritocracy within a particular region also calls for accommodating ethnic diversity within that region.
All these simply complicate the selection process. But again, in life, being fair has never been an easy undertaking. It is part of the pursuit of righteousness. Probably why most people prefer wrongdoing... i.e. are sinners. Doing the right thing can be too difficult.
Posted by: Dr A A Agbormbai | January 13, 2009 at 02:16 PM
Note also that the meritocratic compromises recommended in points (1) and (2) of my second commentary must be small, insignificant, or uncritical.
It is most unwise to make critical or significant compromises of merit just to satisfy diversity needs.
The guiding rule here is the good health of the nation as measured by the ability of the selected candidates or appointees to perform well or excel at their career. And their performance will be measured by their on-the-job achievements. The larger these accomplishments are the better it is.
Posted by: Dr A A Agbormbai | January 13, 2009 at 02:30 PM
Interesting quote from the blog of a Peace Corps Volunteer in Hina, in the Far North province, which sheds more light on one of the gripes of the Northern elite, viz., the refusal of teachers from the South to move to the Northern provinces:
"P.S. the lycee (high school) is just in shambles. The kids are more out of class then in class because basically the government assigns where the professors work, so they could just get assigned to a village they don’t want to go to and then they just never show up or just show up whenever they want to. Also, since there really are not many professors in the first place many of the teachers are just graduates from the lycee who are really not qualified to teach… but are better than nothing. I had a conversation with a teacher who said it is ridiculous, however, he gets paid 25,000 CFA a month. By comparison, I get 160k a month from Peace corps. A mattress costs more than 25,000 CFA. That is 50 bucks a month. Not much. But a job here… which is really hard to find. Another problem, why get an education and waste 8 years or more of your time and money in highschool/college if you are going to come out poor and with no job to start anyways? Many a people who drive moto-taxis or work in boutiques have masters degrees… what a waste.
Posted by: Jerry | January 14, 2009 at 11:13 AM
Sirens of destitution
The deluge of forbearing tomorrow
Anchoring the subterfuge of beseeming joy
Submerged by promises of endearing hearts
Churn by dreams that rekindle the joy that once was
The rising moon and the setting sun
Spell doom on a nation’s youth
Hunkered by generations of visionless rulers
Clad in monstrous clown suits
Adherents of cultic spheres
Vampires gnawing even the flesh of formless foetus
Rape and plunder the creed of their brotherhood
They congregate-men riding men in orgies of an immoral clan
Blinded by the blood of the innocents
Deafened by the cries of begrudging widows and orphans
Stoned by the evils of their bigotry
They fail to heed the rising tides
The waves surge in anger bearing
In their rage the echo of the Obasinjom warrior
Spitting the fire that they thought extinguished
Crushing! Crushing! Crushing! Crushing!
Purging the land of the filth they have spun
And on their graves we shall spit the curse of barrenness
From the bosom of the Mongo and from the footstool of epassamoto
A lamb will rise to tame the beasts and sooth our souls.
By
Innocent Ndifor Mancho
Posted by: Innocent Mancho | January 15, 2009 at 10:42 AM
Jerry, the recipe from the IMF ie structural adjustment programs that they imposed on poor countries, involved starving off social services like health and human investments like education, therefore only partially fault of Camerounese govt. Witness what they do when US economy is teetering on the brink. No SAP here, no sir. On the contrary, they administer hefty stimulus packages to "jumpstart" the economy. Why? You think about that and give us the answer.
Posted by: Ma Mary | January 15, 2009 at 07:36 PM
We should solve this problem because....
Southern Cameroonians should go there to teach as well payed expartriates.
Posted by: Ma Mary | January 15, 2009 at 07:44 PM
Interesting "on the ground" report from a peace corps teacher in the Far North province:
My school is run by an effective principal, who has been really great about helping me get settled in and helping get the things I need. Even my students are great. They actually want to learn, which is not something I’m used to. But the situation at my school is pretty dire, since the teacher’s college opened in January in the provincial capital, which lead to the exodus of a lot of teachers in the province, who wanted to take advantage of the first teacher’s college in the Grand North of Cameroon, but leaving a lot of students without teachers. At my school, they told me that there are 16 teachers, but I will say, I have yet to see any number of teachers that goes beyond 10. This week was my first teaching at school and besides Monday, I think there were around 4 teachers at school Tuesday and Wednesday, and then yesterday there were just 3 of us. I know many of them don’t live in the village, but commute from other towns, but the fact that there are 600 students and 3 or 4 teachers at school is really sad. One day this week I had a free period and one of my students came up to me and asked if I could teach the class. I was supposed to teach that class later that day, but those kids weren’t doing anything, so I took advantage of the fact that the teacher didn’t show up and taught. It worked out really well for me, because I was then able to go home before the heat started kicking my butt.
Rest of posting here - http://gloriaincameroon.blogspot.com/2009/02/new-post-is-fantastic.html
Posted by: Alhadji | February 27, 2009 at 04:02 PM